Bankruptcy is in a relatively short list of “enumerated powers” under Article I of the U.S. Constitution. This means that it is one of the few things our Framers specifically wanted the Federal Government to control. From time to time, Congress has overhauled the bankruptcy laws and rules. The last major overhaul was in 2005, and one result was that more people now find themselves required to file a Chapter 13. (The types of bankruptcy are called “Chapters”.)
The most common bankruptcy is still the Chapter 7. Roughly put, in a Chapter 7, the struggling person in effect puts all of his or her “stuff” on the table. The law allows him or her to keep some of his or her own stuff (or, in effect, pull it off the table). Also, those “secured creditors” (e.g., house, car) get to keep their interest in their collateral. What happens next with the collateral depends on a number of things. The rest of the “stuff” still on the table now in theory belongs to creditors. An officer of the United States called a “trustee” is in charge of dividing it fairly. In most cases, when all goes “well”, the debtor gets permanent protection from most of his or her creditors in exchange for giving up excess “stuff” that the law does not return to him or her.
In a Chapter 13, again stated roughly, the debtor enters a federally-sponsored repayment plan that will usually last three to five years with monthly payments. A debtor normally keeps all of his or her “stuff” but has to pay over a certain amount of income each month under a “plan” that the debtor proposes. The debtor must follow certain legal rules that put boundaries on their “plan” (e.g., proposing to pay nothing for 3 years will probably not “cut it”). The bankruptcy court must approve the plan, and the debtor must follow it. If the debtor does so, he or she will get protection from their debts regardless of whether all the creditors got paid off in the plan.
A Chapter 11 is usually used by troubled businesses but it is available for individuals as well. It also involves the use of a “plan”, but the plan focuses more on re-organizing the business so it can repay its debts and get back on the right track. It is like putting a business on “life support”, although normally, the business owner remains in charge of the business subject to the supervision of the bankruptcy court. Not all troubled businesses file a Chapter 11. In hopeless cases, the owner may elect simply to walk away without filing a bankruptcy in the name of the business.
There are advantages and disadvantages to the different types of bankruptcy which an attorney can describe better.
Barnes v. State
This recent case from the Indiana Supreme Court garnered quite a bit of national attention. It even appeared on the Drudge Report. The word on the street is that the highest court in our State– and the highest court period when it comes to the laws of Indiana– has just given law enforcement officers the right to come in to our private homes— justified or not—with impunity. We cannot resist them; we can only sue them after the damage gets done, for whatever that is worth. That notion would make anyone, and it makes me, feel angry and frightened.
These feelings, I’d like to believe, are natural and even good. Our Court’s decision should not just concern criminal defendants but every citizen who may at some point have some contact with law enforcement (i.e., just about everybody). However, before jumping to conclusions (or, as some have unfortunately done, unsavory language and ugly threats) it is important to understand what the Court really said, and what it did not say… At the end of the day, the Court has all but openly invited the General Assembly and the Assembly’s constituents– that is, we the voters— to pass a law that would explicitly make it the will of the people of Indiana to be allowed to resist an unlawful arrest.
As a caveat, I would not have signed on to the majority’s opinion simply because I find the language too broad and easy to misconstrue. It is just not my style of writing. More importantly, I am not a big fan of broad and often ambiguous policy arguments when a simpler, narrower legal argument is available to get the same result. While I have not had the opportunity to read what the lawyers arguing the case wrote in their legal briefs, it would seem to me that this case could more easily have been decided without getting in to a grand discussion about traditional legal rights and the policies behind them. It was a domestic violence complaint that had apparently stirred up the neighborhood. Speaking as a neutral observer, it would seem to me that the police may have had some good legal reasons to enter the home: to check for injuries or on the welfare of the other occupants, for example. And if the police had a right to be in the home to do their jobs, I think there is less of an argument for a right to resist them. No one, after all, is saying that it is okay for people to resist the police when the police are legitimately “policing”.
With that said, at the heart of the matter I don’t think the Court has a problem with people having the right to resist the police if they enter a home unlawfully. The Court’s beef was with the idea that this right had been established by the “common law”, an unwritten law that has been fully developed almost exclusively at the hands of unelected judges who a lot of times just did what they felt was “right” in the case. The common law developed in England, the same monarchical England against which we rebelled. It is a two-edged sword. Yes, it preserves important rights that our constitutions may or may not explicitly protect (like the right to resist an illegal arrest), but it also has in the past been used by judges to in effect create new crimes that happen to fit the facts of an unlucky defendant’s ongoing case. That sort of “common law” does not gel with the notion that it is in the hands of the people to define what a crime is and isn’t. This case may not be so much one of “judicial activism”; in fact, if anything, it may go to the opposite extreme by refusing to maintain a long-established right enjoyed by the people simply because it was originally created by unelected judges.
In any event, the simplest solution, and one that the Court does not seem to oppose, is for all of those concerned with this opinion to contact our state legislators and ask them to pass a law explicitly stating that the people have a right to resist an unlawful arrest. As someone concerned about the implications of this opinion, I certainly don’t intend on waiting for some other judge to correct this when there is a way to resolve this matter now.